Blog

Posts Tagged ‘Obama’

The J Street You Don’t Hear About

Wednesday, April 6th, 2011

A multiple-choice question for our readers:

Last week, a  Jewish advocacy group sent an email to its supporters titled “Tell Obama: Go to Jerusalem.” Which group was it?

a. The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC)
b. The Zionist Organization of America (ZOA)
c. The Anti-Defamation League (ADL)
d. J Street

As is obvious from the title of this post,  the answer is d. In the email, J Street declares:

It is time for a Presidential visit to Israel. We urge the President to go to Jerusalem in the coming months with a new diplomatic initiative that leads to a two-state solution and averts a September UN vote that will cause even deeper international isolation for Israel without solving the conflict. [...]

During the visit, the President should assure the Israeli people of his personal – and the American people’s – commitment to their security and connect with their hopes and fears, even as he also speaks to the hopes and dreams of the Palestinian people for a state of their own.

To be clear: J Street is publicly asking Obama to reach out to Israel by visiting it for the first time. J Street would like Obama to do this in order to avert Israeli diplomatic isolation, help achieve regional peace for Israel and affirm America’s commitment to Israel’s security. Oh, and J Street has also once again come out in favor of a two-state solution–which a majority of Israelis support and which is the stated policy of the Netanyahu administration in Jerusalem.

So in case the Jewish community needs another reminder of what is obvious, here it is: J Street is a pro-Israel organization. Moreover, J Street is–in fact–a centrist organization. It is centrist, in the Jewish community, to support two states. It is centrist to defend Israel’s security while working toward peace. It is centrist to oppose settlements. A couple of columnists–including JJ Goldberg and Jesse Singal–have made this point, and it bears repeating as long as other mainstream Jewish groups treat J Street like the fringe organization it is not.

During the past couple of years, several people have told me that they doubt J Street’s pro-Israel credentials because all they hear coming out of the group are statements critical of Israel. I often respond that they should go to J Street’s website and read the group’s policy statements, which are indeed pro-Israel. I offer the press release I have quoted here as further evidence of that point. Now you know. Now you’ve heard: J Street  stands with Israel.

It’s true that I have been quite critical of J Street in the past. And as long as I see things that are worth criticizing, that will continue. But I want to note that my most virulent criticisms have been about J Street’s image rather than its substance. I have always believed that the organization is pro-Israel. Now you should, too.

How I Lost Faith in Barack Obama

Tuesday, December 21st, 2010

I never thought Obama was the messiah.

Sure, the posters moved me. So did his words, his slogans, that music video and all the rest of the propaganda that came with his movement. But despite my enthusiasm, I did not expect Barack to fix all of our problems. I, like many, knew that there would be pitfalls and compromises with those who opposed his policies. And I agreed with most of those policies, but that’s not why I supported him in the first place. After all, Clinton ran on a similar platform.

I supported Obama — believed in him — because I thought that we had finally found an unapologetic and ambitious advocate for our vision. For years I had seen the Republicans coalesce around what I saw as misguided stances while the Democrats lacked the spine to oppose those stances or push through an agenda of their own. Obama seemed different. For once, here was someone who looked like he could stand up for his ideals, who could face his opposition and stay true to his vision for the country. And during his first eighteen months in office, for the most part, Obama was that person — passing healthcare reform, financial reform and the stimulus in the face of the Tea Party and looming electoral defeat in the midterms.

But now it seems as if he has abandoned those ideals. Paul Krugman, in a brilliant column, laments how–by extending Bush’s tax cuts–Obama has compromised with the Republicans not just on policy but on his vision for the country. He could have stopped the tax cuts with his huge Democratic congressional majority, ending a financial policy that is not only ineffective but also unjust. He could have  fought to the finish, opposing the Republicans even as the tax cuts were extended.

And that’s why I’ve lost faith in President Obama. I’m by no means an expert on economic policy and I favor bipartisanship and compromise, but I want a president who has faith in his ideals and who’s not afraid to say what’s right and what’s wrong. I want a president who will declare, even as he faces defeat, that we will hurt the United States if we benefit the rich during an economic recovery. I want a president who will inspire his followers and his nation by presenting, defending and advocating a vision that is best for the country, though it may not be politically expedient. But Obama, it seems, has chosen expedience over what is right — a bad sign as we approach an era of Republican majority.

Those of us who support progressive policy will not get anywhere unless we demonstrate the conviction that our vision is right for the country. Obama should have demonstrated that conviction, but he has not, and now we’re stuck with an unprincipled president, a contrarian Congress and a failed tax policy.

The Naïveté of ‘Generation O’

Monday, November 1st, 2010

“Young voters say they feel abandoned” is the title of Sunday’s New York Times article about the disillusionment that followed the Obama campaign.  We couldn’t get enough of Obama back in 2008.  He was new.  He was grassroots.  He was hip and cool, and  he won 66 percent of the 18- to 29-year-old-vote because he promised to enact universal health care and  end the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.

I know people who took off that fall semester to work on the Obama campaign. We were all  emotionally invested in this newcomer who seemed to represent what we wanted for America.  His rallies had the allure and atmosphere of rock concerts. On election night at Vassar, people stormed the quad with cigars and cheap champagne, shouting “Yes we can!” and  singing the patriotic American hymns they had abandoned during the Bush years.

The reality, however, is that this infatuation only breeds angry disappointment. I never gave in to the Cult of Obama, so once I started to realize that Obama couldn’t keep his promises, I was disappointed but not infuriated.  My age group, according to the NYT article, feels differently.

The president, for example, appeared on “The Daily Show” last week for the first time since taking office, and his visit did not inspire the rabid fandom of fall 2008. The show could have been a platform for reinvigorating young voters, but instead Obama used it to make excuses for why he couldn’t achieve his agenda thus far. He could only do so much because of the recession, health care reform was groundbreaking, you can’t change Washington in 18 months, etc. At the end of the show he put in a plug for people to  vote in the elections, but he didn’t have fire.  The audience cheered, but it also booed.  When Stewart gave the president ample opportunity to hoist himself onto his soapbox, it didn’t happen.

Now that we’ve seen what Obama can’t do and the promises he hasn’t lived up to, Democrats and liberals have once again become their skeptical selves.  Political apathy has crept over the Democrats, and I’m no different. I’m disheartened and disenchanted with the American political process.

In less than 48 hours the House will become Republican, and we’ll see what happens with the Senate.  Obama’s two-year window is officially over, and us college students aren’t hawking the Obama tee-shirts, bumper stickers, and pins like we used to.  We were young, we were naïve.

But we also shouldn’t be surprised that Obama didn’t fulfill our wildest hopes and dreams.  Our choice should not be between the infatuation of 2008 and the apathy of 2010. While President Obama’s first eighteen months may have been a big let-down for some of us, the next two years don’t have to be.  We can choose to be realists, or we can choose to believe that our government can work at the speed of light and with the efficiency of a supercomputer.  The decision is yours.

No Surprise

Monday, October 4th, 2010

This is a guest post by Moriel Rothman, a senior at Middlebury College and the president of J Street U.

The Israeli government did not renew the ten-month settlement freeze that ended on Sunday, so settlement construction restarted. No surprise. Netanyahu would have displayed courage and conviction by renewing the freeze, given his hawkish history and (mostly) ultra-nationalist coalition. Indeed, his coalition could have crumbled, which would not necessarily have been a bad thing. It’s hard to foresee a peace deal coming from a government that includes Yisrael Beiteinu’s Avigdor Lieberman, who believes that peace talks should be based on a “population swap” and not on land-for-peace. Another significant coalition member is Shas, whose spiritual leader Ovadia Yosef recently asked God to “send a plague to” Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas (and the Palestinian people). Netanyahu has hardly stood up to these members of the Knesset, and instead has acquiesced to their demands by allowing settlement construction to resume. No surprise.

Abbas had threatened to quit the current US-guided peace talks if Netanyahu let the freeze expire. And then Netanyahu let the freeze expire, and Abbas didn’t quit the peace talks. No surprise. Abbas’ freeze-or-I’m-out threat was understandable given Palestinian public skepticism concerning the talks. Nonetheless, Abbas knows that these peace talks are the Palestinians’ best chance at establishing a viable, independent state in the near future. Israel has failed thus far to present Abbas with any meaningful confidence-building gestures, but the US wants these talks to succeed, and that also matters.

Hamas, in an effort to derail the talks, has been stepping up its horrible acts of violence against Israelis, and the “price tag” settlers have also increased their terrorism. No surprise. Obama’s cabinet has been struggling to keep talks alive, both behind the scenes and onstage. As the November elections loom closer: no surprise. And smug pundits from across the board have continued to assert that a just peace is impossible: No surprise.

Would an increase of Palestinian violence against Israelis be surprising? Not really. Would continued violation of Palestinian rights by the Israeli army be surprising? Definitely not. Would continued suffering, hatred and mistrust be surprising in this region of broken dreams and shattered hearts? Tragically, no. But as Martin Buber wrote, there is nothing worse than resigning ourselves to the perception that there’s no chance for resolution. As Buber writes, “in every situation it is possible to do something, some correct undertaking, something which determines the face of the next hour.”

And indeed there is something we can do. As Americans who wish to see this conflict reach a peaceful resolution, we can lend our support through letters and op-eds, phone calls and donations, activism and engagement. We need to help the forces within Israel, Palestine and our own country that are working to bring about what would actually be surprising: Peace. It may sound delusional and naive, but I refuse to give up. I choose to believe in the power of the unexpected, I choose to believe in humanity and I choose to believe in hope.

The Reading List: Sunday Brunch–Israel and Palestine, talking again?

Sunday, August 22nd, 2010

And they’re off.

For the first time since the 2007 Annapolis Conference, the US is restarting direct talks between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. This comes after numerous strains in the US-Israel relationship (Settlement Freeze, East Jerusalem, Flotilla, etc.), months of “proximity talks” wherein the US met separately with the Izzies and Pallies to convince them to sit down together, Netanyahu and Abbas talking past each other, and 18 years during which the two sides have begun talking, stopped talking, begun talking again and again, stopped talking again and again, fought a lot, blew a lot of people up, built a lot of settlements, armed and activated a lot of terrorists, and generally have not been nice to each other at all.

In that little run-on sentence I didn’t even mention Hamas, Iran, Syria, Hizbollah, the Disengagement, Ariel Sharon, Ehud Olmert, Kadima, Sheikh Jarrah, various wars that have taken place during the past decade and much, much more. As a leftist idealist, I want to hope. Nevertheless, I’m pessimistic. The current Israeli coalition–I think–is paying mere lip service to peace while being unwilling and unable to make any real compromises or concessions, due to its less pragmatic elements. Even if it could do those things, the settler movement in the West Bank is radicalized and will create hell for any soldiers brave enough to dismantle settlements. Beyond that, the Palestinians aren’t unified at all, Abbas has been historically ineffective and Hamas’s raison d’etre is the destruction of Israel–not a good foundation for a peace treaty.

Oh, yeah, and Israel may bomb Iran within the year, and Hizbollah is stocking up on weapons in Lebanon, and the US is entangled in two wars elsewhere in the Middle East. On top of that, it doesn’t seem like these talks have specific goals or parameters from the outset, which is troubling.

And that’s just on the governmental level. I can’t speak for Palestinians, but I know that Israelis my age are also pessimistic and very wary of Palestinian intentions following the hellish events of the past decade. I’m sure I could say the same for Palestinian youth.

All of that being said, I’m happy to see that there are direct talks and I will be praying for them to succeed. I want peace, however far away it may seem. Anyway, here’s what some other people have to say about this:

This is the official breaking news from Reuters, focusing on how Egypt and Jordan will also join the talks, as well as another general overview article from the New York Times. [Reuters] [NYT]

An optimistic statement from Netanyahu. [JPost]

In the wake of the direct talks announcement, Hamas cancels reconciliation talks with Fatah, which may be the only way to actually reach a true peace. [Ha'aretz]

The director of Americans for Peace Now says the only real solution is two states. [The Forward]

Al Jazeera expresses some (surprisingly balanced) skepticism. [Al Jazeera]

Here are the “Clinton Parameters,” which many expect to be the outline of the final settlement. [Jewish Peace Lobby]

And Syria is more pessimistic than me. [YNet]

Let’s hope these talks work! If you have any other interesting links to share, post them here! Happy Sunday.

J Street U: A plea from a mabat chitzoni

Tuesday, June 8th, 2010

This post is by Moriel Rothman and originally appeared on J Street U‘s site.

There exists in Israel a powerful fear. It’s a legitimate fear, the traumatic societal residue of exploded buses and falling rockets, hitting Israel against the backdrop of the Iranian threat. But this fear has grown and spread, manipulated by leaders whose pursuit of security has made Israel far more insecure. Israel’s most powerful threat is not a boat full of angry activists or a community of hateful bloggers. Israel’s most powerful threat is not Syria or Hamas or Hizbullah or even Iran. Israel’s most powerful threat–and Defense Minister Ehud Barak agrees–comes from the lack of progress toward a two-state solution and peace.

An Israeli friend told me recently that my mabat chitzoni, or outside perspective as an American, prevented me from understanding the conflict. Perhaps he was right: maybe I don’t understand why Israel blocks certain foods and toys from going into Gaza because of my mabat chitzoni. Maybe that’s why I don’t get how Israel’s policy of forbidding exports from Gaza helps prevent imports into Gaza. Maybe it’s my mabat chitzoni that sees the blockade failing to accomplish any of its possible strategic goals: facilitating the release of Gilad Shalit, encouraging the people of Gaza to rise up and overthrow Hamas or stopping rockets from coming into Gaza. So maybe I wouldn’t have been disturbed by the events on the Mavi Marmara–carried out in order to defend a strategically backwards and morally bankrupt blockade–had it not been for my mabat chitzoni.

Where are the statements of remorse for the lives lost?  Where are the statements of concern for the children of Gaza? Not for the leaders of Hamas, and perhaps not for those who voted for Hamas, but for the children. Have we so hardened ourselves that we’re unable to feel pain for any but our own? How much will the other side have to suffer for the blockade to end?

So perhaps it’s my mabat chitzoni that fails to see any way for Israel to remain a Jewish, democratic homeland unless there is a two-state solution and a negotiated peace agreement with the Palestinians. Perhaps my mabat chitzoni can’t imagine the international community continuing to support Israel’s occupation and blockade. Perhaps my mabat chitzoni enables me to see the Palestinians as human beings who deserve food, water, safety, freedom of movement and independence. Just like us.

Israel is mired in a spiral of violence, fear, hubris and confusion. Some argue that it is not appropriate for those approaching the issue from a mabat chitzoni to criticize, challenge and meddle. And if Israel were only hurting itself, this argument might be compelling. But Israel is not only hurting itself, Israel is hurting the Palestinians -who also continue to hurt themselves and the Israelis in a myriad of ways. Moreover, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict hurts the potential for international stability and peace. It is not only appropriate, but obligatory, for those of us with a mabat chitzoni to criticize some of Israel’s actions. The American mabat chitzoni, coupled with the US’s international power and its strong alliance with Israel, is crucial to securing Israel’s future. Obama must live up to the promises he made one year ago in Cairo, and bring peace to the Middle East. As much as it pains me to criticize my brothers, it would pain me more to leave them alone.

Moriel Rothman was born in Jerusalem, Israel. He is the new President of the National Student Board of J Street U, and is a rising senior at Middlebury College, in Vermont.

J Street U: The Sacred Struggle for Peace

Friday, April 16th, 2010

This post is cross-posted from J Street U’s blog.

Dual Israeli-American citizenship can make me feel a tad schizophrenic. At our small Passover seder this March I sat next to Gilad Shalit, or at least the chair set for him by our friends on the moshav. The empty seat seemed to lodge a big splinter into the Haggadah’s story. Were we slaves to Egypt or to the forces in Gaza? After Ten Commandments and centuries of persecution, I could barely delineate Jewish ancient history from the ethereal prophecy sitting at the table. Given the circumstances, I was feeling thankful for those old Europeans who first thought up Jewish autonomy.

The problem, as Gilad Shalit’s empty chair kept whispering, is that Jewish self-rule is losing. The majority is giving up the debate to a loud and impinging minority, and nowhere is this clearer than 5,000 miles away in America. With all the cameras turned on the political alienation between Netanyahu’s government and the American Jewish left, it seems there’s an extraordinary development being overlooked: the theological one. Ynet News has reported on a surprising backlash from American Jewish leaders who are reacting to a potential Israeli legislative deal that would give “exclusive control over conversion to Shas and Orthodox rabbis.” The Conservative and Reform movements, which are extremely large gefilte fish outside the Holy Land, have long felt uncomfortable with the growing power of Israel’s ultra-religious minority.

This latest move may be provoking an American break with a lesser-known commandment: disagreement with the status quo is un-Jewish, un-Zionist, and unacceptable. Rabbi Julie Schonfeld, the executive vice president of the Conservative Rabbinical Assembly, has publicly taken a stand.

Ynet reports: “An article written by Rabbi Schonfeld in the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, which was published in nearly every Jewish newspaper throughout the US, has caused quite a stir. She wrote that Israel is being conquered by small, extremist ultra-Orthodox parties, but American Jewry has kept quiet on the assumption that “silence on religious coercion equals unity and thus also equals Israel’s security.”

Now, Schonfeld warned, “The young generation sees Israel as a society with growing religious zealotry and oppression. We must change the growing alienation of young Jews in the Diaspora, who are unwilling to accept a society that allows a religious minority to contemptibly threaten their religious values.”

Alienation of young Jews in the Diaspora? More like divorce. Jewish American university students don’t particularly warm to segregated bus lines, ultra-religious rule over personal status, the predicament of women whose husbands refuse them divorce, the absence of any civil alternative for religious marriage and the disproportionate funding for Orthodox institutions that serve only 17 percent of Israelis. Even the U.S. State Department thinks it’s a little much. Given the current political climate, Israel cannot afford to lose the support of our generation. And that means American Jews across the political spectrum are starting to recognize that blindly nodding through Israel’s wrong turns is dangerous for the state.

In Israel, the politics of ultra-Orthodox Judaism are often married to right-wing nationalism. The bones under Ashkelon’s new emergency room have only provided the latest crusade for the religious right, which has led the charge into the West Bank and against the two-state solution. For the rest of us, the take-away is that we have to halt their monopolization of “Jewishness.” Avigdor Leiberman and Eli Yishai do not get to define whether you or I are true Jews, and their attempt to do so is bad for Israel and bad for peace. For Israel to truly be a Jewish state, it must end the hegemony of those at the fringe and begin the process of true democratic inclusion.

It’s time to shatter the myth of hierarchical Judaism and fight for real self-determination, not just for the Palestinians but for the Jewish state as well.

Timna Axel, a guest blogger for New Voices and J Street U, is a student at Northwestern University’s Medill School of Journalism.

The best friends in the world

Thursday, April 1st, 2010

Much has been made lately about the current “crisis” in Israeli-American relations, wherein Israel’s announcement of new East Jerusalem construction during Joe Biden’s visit there has led to an impasse over the extent of the Israeli settlement freeze. Netanyahu says that Israel has never met American opposition to such construction, while Washington claims that the construction will hurt chances for peace.

Sam Melamed and Hailey Dilman, on this blog, believe that Israel and its populace have a misguided attitude. Most of the American Jewish media, however, sees this incident as the latest example of Obama’s misunderstanding of Israel’s policy, and has noted that Obama has been far less openly critical of the Palestinians than he has been of Israel.

The Jewish media’s main problem, then, is that the American government is biased regarding Israel. At the same time, however, the same media have demanded that the US maintain a “special relationship with Israel” or–in other words–a bias regarding Israel. American Jews have lobbied, successfully, for Israel to be America’s “best friend in the world” and have shut down those who request that America be an “honest broker” between the two sides.

But part of being a best friend is honest criticism and, at times, admonition. The reason America has been far more openly critical of Israel than the Palestinians is that it can afford to be; the US is not best friends with the Palestinian Authority.

Take the following example: If I’m standing near a fruit stand and I see someone take an apple and run, I’m probably not going to chase after him. I may likely alert a cop, but my relationship with the thief doesn’t dictate that I pursue him.

If I were to see my best friend steal the apple, though, I would certainly run after him, admonish him and use every argument to persuade him to return the apple or pay the fruit man the requisite 75 cents. I would do this because I care about my friend: I care about how he acts, how he thinks and how his actions affect those around him. I also know that he’s likely to listen to my suggestions, that I wouldn’t be wasting my breath.

In the  case of the specific Biden situation the same construct applies. Consider two college best friends, Friend A and Friend B, who both like Girl C: your classic love triangle.

Friend A: Dude, please do not go for Girl C. You know I’ve liked her for ages.
Friend B: I don’t know, dude, I think she likes me too.
Friend A: Yeah man, but you know I’d be pissed if you guys hooked up, and you’re my bro.
Friend B: Fine, bro, I’ll try to hold back.
Friend A: Awesome, bro. By the way, I’m having a party at my dorm tomorrow. Want to bring the Keglovich?
Friend B: Sure thing, man.
[They bro-hug]

At the party, sparks fly between Friend B and Girl C, and before long they’re making out on Friend A’s bed. Obviously, Friend A is pissed, and his bro-ness with Friend B is in “crisis.”

Examine the situation: Was it wrong of Friend B and Girl C to hook up? Not really; if they like each other, they should date, and Friend A should move on. But was it careless and inconsiderate of Friend B to hook up with Girl C specifically at Friend A’s party? Yes, of course.

Now examine the Biden situation in a similar light. Was it wrong of Netanyahu’s government to approve construction in East Jerusalem? I think so, but Netanyahu already declared–and the US tacitly accepted–that he wanted this to happen. Was it careless and inconsiderate of Netanyahu to approve this construction–of which America disapproves–when Biden was in Israel? Yes, of course.

It’s true that the administration has publicly admonished Israel more than it has the Palestinians. That’s because America and Israel are best friends, and part of being best friends is caring for each other and criticizing one another. If Israel and the American Jewish community can’t take the criticism, they shouldn’t demand the special relationship either.

Us and Them

Thursday, March 25th, 2010

There has been much tension lately between the United States and Israel.  While the tension between the right leaning-Bibi and the left-seeming Obama seems to center around the peace process and controversial building in Israel, I’ve found there to be a certain attitude present in Israel that is very anti-Obama.  Throughout the years the United States has continually been a big player in Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations, but this time around there is a growing hostility toward this interference. Shay Obama-Bibi While many US presidents have looked the other way while Israel has been building in the settlements, I think that  the clash between a government in Israel supporting more settlements and a government that understands their threat to peace is creating tension.  Yet here in Israel there is a growing atmosphere of “finger-pointing” at Obama.  It’s his fault that tensions are high, and he is forcing Israel to make concessions it shouldn’t have to make.  I’ve read articles accusing him of purposely creating stress in order to force a Kadima government, to strengthen his ties with Arab countries, or simply because he’s an antisemite.  It seems as though Israel is innocent of guilt, and the problem lies solely with the U.S and the Obama administration.  The “other” is the problem, not “us.”

Where is this atmosphere coming from? I think it has something to do with what I’ve been feeling lately, this “syndrome” I’ve received since living in Israel–the feeling that there are only two types of people in this world: Jews and everyone else.  The Jewish bubble creates the illusion of dominance and even isolation.  It affords us the thought that our decisions affect only us, and therefore are only ours to make.  If we want to keep building in Jerusalem and in the West  Bank… well, why can’t we?  Why should the U.S dictate our destiny? After all, Israel is a democratic and free country like anywhere else and therefore our problems are our problems and no one else’s.

It’s incredibly easy to get sucked into this viewpoint and to see the United States sticking its hands in our cookie jar or in our dirty laundry.  While on the surface this idea is empowering, it misses and even undermines the entire concept of peace.  In order to reach for peace, we much dance with the other and welcome them in in an effort to understand them fully and completely. This is especially true in a place like the Middle East, where all actions and political decisions reverberate throughout the entire area and to the entire world.

While of course we can’t undermine our own democratic political system, we must also understand that the world is not split into us’s and them’s.  Our peace is Palestinian peace and in the end will be a step closer to world peace.  We can’t see the United States or Palestinians as enemies or even allies.  At the end of the day, Jew or not, we are all still people and the villain isn’t shut out of this equation.  There are no Dr. Evils  in this world because we are all so much deeper. Human nature is much more complex.

Perhaps I am naive in my love of peace.  Perhaps I am silly for placing peace as my ultimate good.  If this is so, however, I’d rather be naive than fail to see the real duplicity of the world. When we see the situation in black and white, Jews and others or Israelis and Palestinians, we lose touch with what is real and drive ourselves into deep potholes.  To simply scratch the surface and allow stereotypes to dictate us is safer than full understanding, but makes peace look impossible.  Someone once told me that when they see places like Ramla or areas in Jerusalem where coexcitance is present, they feel as though they have stepped into a possible future.  It’s only when we put ourselves in boxes and bubbles that peace seems so unobtainable.

Hailey Dilman is a MASA participant, participating in Oranim’s Community Involvement Program, one of Masa Israel’s 160 programs.

Masa Israel logo

The Global Citizen: Competition or Fragmentation?

Friday, December 11th, 2009

AJWS_LOGO_JPEGThe Global Citizen is a joint project of New Voices and the American Jewish World Service (AJWS). Throughout the year, a group of former AJWS volunteers will offer their take on global justice, Judaism, and international development. Opinions expressed by Global Citizen bloggers do not necessarily represent AJWS.

Once again, healthcare reform is at the forefront of the American news repertoire loop. On Dec.9, the front page of The New York Times ran a story entitled “Reid Says Deal Resolves the Impasse on the Public Option,” and began with the lead:

“The Senate majority leader, Harry Reid, said Tuesday night that he and a group of 10 Democratic senators had reached “a broad agreement” to resolve a dispute over a proposed government-run health insurance plan, which has posed the biggest obstacle to passage of sweeping health care legislation.”

Being a skeptic by nature, I’m dubious about how much will actually change if this bill does get passed. There are no specifics yet on what this bill entails, but when the intent of the actions is described to “sideline but not kill” the bill and that there is “no immediate end in sight,” a girl has reason to remain cynical.

Obama

Problems with the bill aside, it may be the proposal in its entirety that is the problem. A while back, “This American Life,” a radio show provided by Chicago Public Radio, coproduced a two-part show with NPR about the healthcare system in our country and its pitfalls. It’s a great, interesting, and easy to understand piece that I recommend to everyone (simply click here). In the show, it explains that putting another insurance plan contender on the market, namely the public option supported by President Obama, is considered by most economists to be a very caustic move.

To put it simply, the primary way healthcare costs decline is with the bargaining power of insurance groups. The larger the consumer base at stake, the more say they have in the setting of the prices. In a counterintuitive way, insurance carriers have the same interest as the consumers in lowering prices. I know, with the way we are used to vilifying insurance companies, it’s not the way we are used to thinking about it. And healthcare providers band together in conglomerates to shore up their bargaining power as well. Therefore, many economists point out that further breaking up the collective consumer base with another insurance provider, whether public or private, will only serve to further dilute the public’s bargaining power against healthcare conglomerates.

But why is something as important and fundamental as our health up to a battle between interests at all? At one point during the show, it notes that our current healthcare system was formed by happenstance and a long, disconnected series of events and decisions over a long period of time. It was not thought through as a cohesive whole system at any point in time, thereby making our current mess an unsurprising consequence.

Now I’m not saying I know what the solution should be by any means. And I know the aforementioned critique of putting another insurance competitor on the market is just one facet of a highly complex issue. It’s the democratic way to embrace all things competitive, with the belief it will lead to highly evolved forms of innovation and drive prices down. Its hard to believe it could not only work another way, but work in the reverse.

iStock_globe_in_hand_MediumThe same may be true of healthcare initiatives in the developing world. Though I admire all the initiatives out there and the millions of people behind them, I have to wonder if the fragmentation is hurting development. The Gates Foundation, Oxfam, World Vision, The Smile Train, Partners in Health, and WHO programs are just a few of the wide plethora of organizations and programs out there at the moment. Not to say they aren’t doing amazing work, but unintended consequences of actions and inactions, such as collaboration or lack thereof, are always important things to consider in development (or in anything at all, for that matter).

For instance, I know from first-hand experience that some nonprofit organizations track the news mentions of another organization doing similar work and compare them to their own numbers. This stems from a certain recognition of the reality that another organization doing almost identical work could detract from their own funding. Majority of the population selects a one or two causes they feel  strongly about and pick a place they feel is doing the most effective work; rarely do people donate to multiple organizations with the same vision.

I find it strange that ‘competition’ in the human rights sectors is, in effect, organizations with very similar ideals. This is something I greatly admire about AJWS; they their aim is to work with other organizations internationally and to help them grow. It’s a collaborative approach over a competitive one.

Moreover, when it comes as basic a human right as health care, it should not come down to competition and warring factions. All sides should be fighting for the same goal rather than each other. Our society is infatuated with the competitive spirit, and I conceded that at times it pushes our limits and expands our potential. But from consumer clout in insurance bargaining to healthcare initiatives in the Global South, are we too ambivalent about the consequences of dividing up our collective power?