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Posts Tagged ‘palestinians’

The Perils of a Book Boycott

Monday, September 6th, 2010

As a law student, my required reading is painfully boring and rarely controversial.  So I have to say I envy the Brooklyn College students who are being forced to read a book by someone Bruce Kesler calls a “radical pro-Palestinian professor,’” who at least will have something interesting to discuss. Forget disinheriting the college; I’d happily trade the students this book for my regulations homework. Kesler, though, decided to disinherit the school–his alma mater–from his will for assigning it.

In full disclosure, I haven’t been able to read the book so I am forced to trust Jonathan Helfand of Brooklyn College’s Department of Judaic Studies, who said in an interview with the Jewish Week, “The final chapter takes up the Palestinian cause and blames their problems on the Americans and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.”  I am hoping to order a copy of the book (once students forced to read it and sell it back so I can get it cheap) and decide for myself.

Even if the reports are true and the book is virulently anti-Israel, I have to disagree with Bruce Kesler’s choice to punish the college for selecting it as required reading.  What’s next, punishing a school for assigning “Das Kapital” in a history course? I have been assigned books and readings I have disagreed with and so far it’s  been only to my benefit. Knowing why people may disagree with me forces me to sharpen my beliefs and be prepared to defend them with fresh rigor.

I want to be sympathetic to the argument that students are being indoctrinated to hate Israel, but does the pro-Israel community really want to start a boycott? We’re the people of the book. We read and write controversial literature; we don’t ban it. This position speaks of fear, and as a StandWithUs Emerson Fellow, I believe Israel can stand up factually to its critics without resorting to censorship. What does Bruce Kesler think Israel has to hide?

I also don’t want this to turn into a censorship fest. If this precident holds, I am afraid that professors will be afraid to put out any information about the Middle East for fear of economic repercussions. It is hateful and wrong to deny students an education based on what donors think they should be learning. I would hate for Saudi Arabia to protest pro-Israel professors and threaten to withdraw funding if any books are assigned. We all saw what happened in the Michael Oren debacle last year, and it’s only getting worse. Just watch the news to see educated people incapable of having a conversation,instead shouting over each other’s voices, trying to sound right instead of listening.

I cannot support the choice to disinherit the college based on a single reading assignment, even if it’s a required one.  Had I the power,  I would have humbly suggested that Mr. Kesler ask the students to read a second book, such as Leon Uris’s “Exodus” or “New Essays on Zionism,” edited by David Harzony. I know forcing college students to read more could be considered cruel, but to paraphrase my wonderful legal writing professor, it would be a great task for the students to compare and contrast the information.

Dare I suggest we all learn to listen to each other with respect? We might actually learn something.

J Street U: Reach Out, Take Part, Make Peace

Monday, August 9th, 2010

Before flying off to Israel a couple weeks ago, I went to hear journalist Peter Beinart speak. I asked him how young, liberal American Jews should engage the kind of “uncomfortable Zionism” he prescribed in his famous June article. “To connect to the people in Israel who share your values, you know?” Beinart replied. “To be confident in your values, and to reach out to those Israelis who share them and are trying under very, very difficult circumstances to live those same values.”

I arrived in Israel a few days later and began reaching out to those Israelis who share my values. I did this in large part through a network provided by J Street U, the American embodiment–in my unbiased opinion–of young, liberal, uncomfortable Zionism.

I met with Ehud Uziel, from the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI), the country’s largest human rights organization. Ehud is a soft-spoken, warm young man who discussed the need to educate the public. In the last decade, according to Ehud, the situation in Israel has become one of skepticism, of despair, of fear. “And justifiably so, after all of the attacks of the last decade.” However, he said, this situation has led to a kind of blindness about what is happening on the other side, the extremely difficult reality that exists there, and the terrible violations of Palestinian human rights. The same frustrations were expressed by the representatives from B’Tselem and from Rabbis for Human Rights, two groups that focus on human rights within the Occupied Territories. Education, as Ehud discussed, and as I firmly believe, is integral to generating positive, peace-oriented action.

With the goal of learning in mind, I participated in two tours that presented a picture of different scenery than that shown on the usual Birthright beat. The first was with Breaking the Silence in the areas in and around Hebron and South Hebron, and the second was a tour of East Jerusalem with an organization called Ir Amim. Both tours were eye-opening. The tour in the Hebron area was shocking in how it highlighted the methodical nature of the disenfranchisement and segregation that supports the Israeli occupation. I would recommend to anyone interested in the conflict, or in Israel, to tour the West Bank and see the products of an occupation which often feels a thousand miles removed from this side of the green line.

My tour of East jerusalem refuted a number of myths that our guide said “are holding Jerusalem captive.” For example, the concept of a united Jerusalem is not based on the historical, biblical Jerusalem. The municipal post-1967 borders annexed a number of Palestinian villages that had never before been part of the city. And Jerusalem is already divided. The status of many in the Palestinian parts of East Jerusalem is appalling, from residents losing their residency status upon returning from abroad to villages severed in two by the security barrier -which snakes far from the green line in parts of the city. And then there is Sheikh Jarrah.

Sheikh Jarrah is a Palestinian neighborhood in East Jerusalem where a number of Palestinian residents have received eviction orders from the Israeli government. These families have been living in Sheikh Jarrah for decades. However, based on antiquated documents from the Ottoman period, an American-funded settler organization called the Nahlat Shimon International has “submitted legal petitions against the residents.” Three families have been evicted from their homes to make room for Jewish Israeli settlers. These evictions are morally appalling and set a problematic political precedent: There is another sizable group that agitates for their legal right to return to properties owned before 1948, despite the fact that the people living in the houses have been there for decades.

The Israeli public is not sitting by passively. Following the Ir Amim tour, I met with a large group of Israeli demonstrators, on their way to the weekly Friday protest in Sheikh Jarrah. Hundreds of Jews and Palestinians gather every week in solidarity against the evictions and for peace. The demonstration was thrumming with energy, with passion, with a recognition of the desperate need for change. The Israeli peace movement is not dead, it has just taken on a new name, and found a new location. The peace movement in Israel may have been decimated by the failure of the peace process in 2000, but it is rebuilding itself through educators, tour guides, organizers and demonstrators. I could not think of a better way for those of us who support Israel and peace to strengthen our own activism than to reach out and connect with our comrades on the ground so we can work together for a better, more just and more peaceful future.

Moriel Rothman was born in Jerusalem and is the President of the National Student Board of J Street U. He is a rising senior at Middlebury College in Vermont.

A Political Parade

Tuesday, July 6th, 2010

I last blogged about the controversy surrounding Pride Toronto’s decision to ban the group “Queers Against Israeli Apartheid” from marching in this year’s pride parade.  Since then, the controversy has done anything but slow down.  After the decision, QuAIA accused the city of censoring their freedom of speech, and organized resistance in an attempt to overturn the decision.  Their efforts garnered widespread support, and drew condemnation from within the LGBT community against Pride.  On June 23rd, under pressure from the LGBT community, Pride Toronto decided to remove the ban against QuAIA.  The group celebrated the decision as a victory for free speech, and promised to be the “loudest and largest part of Pride this year”.

Toronto's 30th Pride Parade

Toronto's 30th Pride Parade

In my last blog I confided my joy in QuAIA’s being banned from the parade.  I believed that QuAIA was spreading hate and ignorance about Israel, and I worried about the bystanders who would be unfairly swayed.   My statements were criticized: my fear, which led me to support censorship, was accused of being unfounded because the media and public are not as “susceptible and defenseless” as I believed they were.  Instead, my critics said, I should have trusted that the media and my fellow citizens would have the ability to think critically.  Sure enough, my worries were unfounded.  What followed from QuAIA’s ban, and then removal of that ban, was an attack from the media against QuAIA, rather than support for them.   Mainstream media (Toronto’s most popular newspapers, the Toronto Star and the National Post) did not sympathize with QuAIA, but rather attempted to expose their hypocrisy.   Journalists questioned the morality of QuAIA singling out Israel in their campaign for human rights.  They pointed out the horrible conditions homosexuals endure in all Middle Eastern countries, as well as the supposed apartheid in Lebanon. The conclusion they drew was that because QuAIA singles out Israel, “an oasis for homosexuality”, they clearly have some anti-Jewish state issues and are not interested in regular, healthy criticism of Israel’s government and politics. This perceived negative attitude had everyone worried.  Justine Apple, who is the executive director of Kulanu Toronto–a Jewish LGBT social and educational group–said that QuAIA’s participation in the parade will create a “toxic and fearful environment”.

Within the Jewish community, the attitude towards QuAIA is negative: many are up in arms and on the defensive.  Their strategy has been to flatter Israel by promoting its democracy and support for homosexuality.  They portray QuAIA as an antisemitic group out to demonize Israel.

With this thick air of controversy surrounding the parade, I decided to go and check it out for myself.  Notwithstanding QuAIA, I was very excited for the parade: this is after all a celebration of Toronto’s LGBT community!   When I arrived at the parade, I wanted to talk to members of both QuAIA and Kulanu.  Upon finding Kulanu, I was immediately taken aback.

A rally for Israel or Toronto's Pride Parade?

A rally for Israel or Toronto's Pride Parade?

Their group looked more like a rally in support of Israel than a Jewish LGBT group.  Speaking with Len Rudner of Kulanu, he expressed to me that despite what it looked like, Kulanu was marching in support and in celebration of Toronto’s Jewish LGBT community.  When questioned about the staggering amount of Israel flags and signs promoting Israel’s support for it’s LGBT community, he said that the group is also speaking up for Israel’s LGBT community.  They are walking with a positive voice of inclusiveness.  However, I think that Kulanu’s mission was hijacked by Jews acting in defense of Israel reacting to QuAIA’s participation in the parade.  The presence of the controversial Jewish Defense League, who marched with the group, gave me this hunch.

Elle Flanders of Queers Against Israeli Apartheid, points to this decision by Kulanu (allowing the JDL to march with them) as an action of divisiveness. She claims that Kulanu is not provoking conversation but  defending Israel at all costs.  She believes they are simply crying wolf on antisemitism instead of creating debate and conversation on the issues.  To Flanders, it is so important for QuAIA to march in the parade because to her, to be queer is to be a human rights activist.  She argues that the

QuAIA

QuAIA

struggle against oppression is a political struggle that the Pride Parade has been dealing with ever since it began, 30 years ago.  Just because the LGBT community in Toronto has been afforded rights, doesn’t mean they are going to stop fighting for basic human rights for people, everywhere in the world, wherever that may be.  Yael, a Jewish Israeli now living in Toronto, who marched with QuAIA, insists that there is no democracy in occupation and therefore no democracy for the Palestinians.  This issue is therefore correlated to gay issues because as the LGBT community had to fight for their democratic rights in the past, now privileged with these rights, they must fight for those without them.  Just as the Jews fought in the civil rights movements in America, one formerly oppressed group has a sort of obligation to fight for all those oppressed.

Is QuAIA a hate group? Are they discriminatory, as they have been again and again accused?  Flanders argues vehemently against this statement.  QuAIA is standing in solidarity with Palestinians, fighting for their rights as humans.  She claims the group does not hate Jews (many members are Jews and Israelis).  Yet, for me there is still something incredibly uncomfortable in their name; when I asked Flanders whythey chose the negative name,  she responded that sometimes you can’t just be in solidarity with something, you have to take a stand, make a statement, stir controversy. Sex sells, right?!

QuAIA

QuAIA

To me the name doesn’t stand for a criticism of Israel’s government and politics; it criticizes Israel right down to its core- right to its legitimacy.  An Apartheid state suggests illegitimacy and therefore to be anti-Israeli apartheid suggests an attack against the state itself; not Israeli policies.  While I’m the first to say that criticism against Israel’s government is not only warranted but essential for its own survival and upkeep of its democratic values, I think that QuAIA takes it one step too far by fumbling over the line of criticism into the realm of state permissibility.  An apartheid state needs to be dismantled but Israel needs to end its occupation of the West Bank.

As the march began, the crowd was impressed by QuAIA, with its cute and catchy slogans like, “hey hey! ho ho! Israeli apartheid’s got to go!” and how it walked beside the reactionary group “free speech”. (Free speech was a group created in May as a reaction against Pride’s original ban against QuAIA: the group does not necessarily politically agree or disagree with QuAIA but supports their right to free speech)  While Kulanu got the occasional cheer, the Israeli music that was played did not connect to most of the non-Jewish, non-Israeli crowd.  Their group looked more like a poster for Israel than an expression of pride for Toronto’s Jewish LGBT community.

Kulanu

Kulanu

At the end of the day, the controversy that had been following the parade for months now did not signify the end of the world.  The crowd did not turn into bloodthirsty antisemitic Israel-hating people poisoned with QuAIA rhetoric.  So by the time both groups had proudly marched by me, I just began to feel fed up.  QuAIA does have some legitimate points, but they take it too far for me. Yet at the same time, so did Kulanu.  The issue may have been pushed to the front pages of Toronto’s newspapers, but all that was said was a bunch of nothing.  No intellectual conversation was forged, no debates began and no understandings were made, and the issue of the parade, gay pride, was pushed to the side.

Israeli Apartheid Week Begins, Blame Game Commences

Monday, March 1st, 2010

Today, the sixth incarnation of Israeli Apartheid Week gets underway.  Aiming to amplify international calls for the BDS movement–that is, the boycott of Israeli goods, divestment from the Israeli economy and placement of sanctions on Israeli imports, respectively–organizers have planned various demonstrations in more than 40 international cities over the next 14 days.  And though 14 days is clearly not a week, I’m sure we can all agree Israeli Apartheid Week sounds much better than the Israeli Apartheid Fortnight.  Personally, I would’ve preferred something like “Two Weeks of Bashing Bibi and His Cronies in Israel’s Military-Security Complex, But NOT Jews In General, While Also Shedding Light on Legitimate Palestinian Grievances.”  But alas, that’s just me.

Whatever we call it, Israeli Apartheid Week cannot be dismissed as quickly as its ill-conceived moniker.  To those who point to its potentially damaging repercussions, claiming the demonstrations are merely means to incite hatred and stoke the flames of Anti-Semitism, I disagree.  Simply put, the damage is already done; the crazies hate the Jews, with or without reason, and will go on hating us.  There’s little that Israel, or Jews, can do to change this fact.  No, the real reason we cannot disregard all the films, the demonstrations, and the speeches is because they’re coming more and more frequently from intelligent, rational people and organizations, many Jews included.

The shaded areas, designated as homelands, took up 13% of South Africas land mass but contained its entire black population.

The shaded areas, designated as 'homelands,' took up 13% of South Africa's land mass but contained its entire black population.

And like it or not, I consider myself an intelligent, rational person.  I’m also a scholar of South African history, and while I see many differences in that country’s Apartheid past and Israel’s current situation, there are also unmistakable similarities.  Perhaps the most blatant is Israel’s restrictions on where Palestinians can live.  While the Palestinians are cordoned off in the West Bank and Gaza, Jewish settlers – with the promise of military protection and generous tax breaks, among other things – continue to seize disputed lands.  This mirrors South Africa’s Land Act and the later Group Areas Act, which forced many blacks and coloureds from their homes.  The fact that Palestinians have no vote in Israel also invites the comparison to Apartheid South Africa.

So, to call Israel an Apartheid state is not without provocation.  True, there are no segregated beaches here, as this author points out.  But, do there need to be?  It’s not as if a Gazan – or, for that matter, a resident of Nablus – can leisurely stroll the Tel Aviv promenade.  In fact, Gazans often can’t even go fishing off their own coastline.  Israel is segregated; I don’t need a sign on the beach to tell me so.

The fact is, Palestinians are oppressed.  Does that make Israel an Apartheid state?  That’s not for me to say.  However, as responsible, rational citizens, we must at least take heed of a movement that’s gaining considerable steam among politicians, religious leaders, and academics.  And before being so quick to dismiss Israeli Apartheid Week as Anti-Semitic or anti-Zionist, take a look at the evidence on the other side.

Sam Melamed is a Masa participant, participating in Career Israel, one of Masa Israel‘s 160 programs.Masa Israel logo

The Good Fight

Wednesday, December 16th, 2009

I love forgetting Christmas.

In America, this was impossible. Come Thanksgiving I would lose myself in a rush of jingles, trees and presents, but when I went to Israel in the December of my senior year I noticed that everything seemed quieter: fewer songs blared through public speakers, the malls were less crowded and the only lights showing were the quiet candles burning from window after window down the street. Then on the afternoon of the sixth day of Hanukkah, I realized what was going on: it was December 25. Christmas was almost over.

This all seemed more authentic to me. Hanukkah in Israel is not commercial; rather, it serves as a unifying force between the secular and religious populations both due to its friendly cultural component (lighting candles, singing songs) and its ideological implications. Secular Israelis celebrate Hannukah as a military victory, the story of a small Jewish army that defeated non-Jews and set up a Jewish state in the Holy land, a proto-Zionist narrative that recalls Israel’s fight for independence or the Six Day War.

I appreciated this celebration when I was 17 and thought that I was, for the first time, experiencing the real Hanukkah, the Jewish holiday set on its own terms, not refashioned as a copy of a Gentile festival. In Israel, I thought, we do not need to compromise our celebration.

But I never asked myself what that celebration was about. Was it this:

A small band of indigenous warriors, with makeshift weapons and a self-organized non-state army, rises up against its Westernizing occupiers and their collaborators to liberate its homeland in the name of the true God and His religion.

Or was it is as Gary Rosenblatt writes in the Jewish Week:

[If] the Maccabees, heroes of the Chanukah story, were around today, they would be leading the West Bank settlers’ current protests, decrying the Jerusalem government for abandoning its Zionist and religious imperative to claim all of the land of Israel as holy and non-negotiable.

Many scholars have pointed out that the Maccabees fought more against their own Jewish brethren than the Assyrian Greeks; in like fashion, the extreme wing of the settlers now opposes the IDF and the Israeli government.

We celebrate these Maccabees every year. Rosenblatt writes that the settlers we villify are nothing less than “the incarnation of the Maccabees.”

Rosenblatt continues to say, in his article, that by turning Hannukah into a Jewified Christmas Americans have brushed aside this important ideological struggle for Hannukah’s soul.

It seems, however, that Israelis have compromised too. Religious and secular there take Hanukkah as an opportunity to find some common ground and put aside many political differences to celebrate Jews beating Gentiles. And while this trend is shifting, with more Israelis using the holiday to make political points, it still acts as a feel-good period for the general population more than an opportunity for serious historical and intellectual questions.

Maybe that’s a good thing: we hear about Israeli politics enough (especially in Israel) that perhaps it’s overkill to ask whether the Maccabees would support Palestinian nationalists or settlers. Perhaps it’s better to compromise on songs and candles and Zionism than to problematize an otherwise accessible holiday.

But no matter who the Maccabees were and whom they would support, we know one thing: they would have hated compromise. Judah and his brothers chose a military fight and religious revival over perpetuation of the status quo. And on the holiday we created for them, we praise God for “doing miracles in those days, at this time.”

They asked the tough questions and fought the good fight, whatever that would be today, and we need to follow in their footsteps.

Because while I may love to forget Christmas, I don’t want to forget Hanukkah too.

The Confused Middle

Wednesday, November 18th, 2009

Last week I blogged about an opportunity to connect to the Jewish community outside of my school. This week I’m switching gears completely to write about a great opportunity I had right here on campus–hearing Yossi Klein Halevi speak.

Halevi is a contributing editor of the New Republic and occasionally writes for the Los Angeles Times, the New York Times, and the Washington Post. Though he was born in New York, he now lives in Israel with his family. He is somewhat of an expert on Israel and its issues–though I didn’t realize this until I heard him speak.

The talk that Halevi gave (which was sponsored by our “Wildcats for Israel” campus group) was titled “Facing the Iranian Threat,” but it turned out to be about much more than that. Halevi talked about Israel itself and a bit of its recent history–the First and Second Intifada, the rockets, the withdrawal from and the war in Gaza, the Goldstone Report, and so on.

I found that Halevi had a unique, refreshingly moderate perspective. He definitely didn’t just blast the typical liberal or conservative viewpoints. He passionately supports the two-state solution, yet he supports Israel’s decision to retaliate against the rocket attacks from Gaza last winter.

The most interesting thing he said, though, involved his characterization of the typical Israeli political viewpoint. He said, “Most of us are in the confused middle.” Not the radical left, not the radical right, but the middle. He said that Israeli centrism, unlike perhaps American centrism, means being caught between two equally passionate but opposite opinions. For example, almost all Israelis strongly support the two-state solution. But at the same time, almost all of them fear it and worry that it will destroy the country they worked hard to build. This combination of a liberal approach and a conservative one makes up many Israelis’ points of view, according to Halevi.

I definitely agree because I feel the same way. As an Israeli, I know that embracing a two-state solution is the best thing for both us and the Palestinians. However, seeing what happens every time Israel gives up land to Palestinian solidarity–the rocket attacks, the suicide bombings–how can I still support it?

Truth is, I really don’t know. My underdeveloped (and probably not very helpful) opinion is that we just keep doing everything we can to promote peace.

Halevi touched on other topics, as well, such as anti-Semitism and, of course, Iran. He believes that a nuclear Iran is Israel’s worst nightmare because a regime that supports Holocaust denial and large-scale oppression of its own people should not be trusted with nuclear weapons. I agree. I don’t know if Iran would ever actually use nuclear weapons or not–I’m no foreign policy expert–but nukes can be a powerful diplomacy tool, and Israel already has enough on its plate to worry about.

Mostly I was relieved to find that the pro-Israel viewpoint still has a voice on this campus. I mean, this isn’t exactly UC Irvine, but any college campus isn’t really the friendliest place for an Israeli these days. Being in a roomful of people who support my homeland and want to become more educated about the problems facing it was refreshing. I’m looking forward to more of these events.

J Street Journal, Day Three and Recap: Posing the Problem

Wednesday, October 28th, 2009

“In 100 years, the situation will be the same as it is now. Nothing will change.”

So said a friend of mine on my final night in Jerusalem last summer. She rolled her eyes and sipped a beer.

“What about the demographic issue?” I said.

“Whatever. We’ll just import a million more Russians. Why do you think we did it 20 years ago?”

Her cynicism was neither refreshing nor did I agree with her analysis. Her opinions, however, did not exist on the margins: it seemed then that most Israelis had given up hope for any kind of change to the status quo. She was a leftist like me and we had the same hopes: equal rights for all, a just peace and the ability for Palestinians to live in a sovereign state. But she’d given up on those hopes.

Little has changed since then and speakers at the J Street conference yesterday pulled no punches in asserting that the Netanyahu government’s policy served to keep things the way they are in Israel rather than manifesting an attempt at real change. And J Street rejected that complacency.

Yesterday’s panels and plenary sessions, featuring a number of high-ranking Israeli and Palestinian officials (or former officials), reviewed several obstacles in the way of J Street’s desired path to a two-state solution. Chief among them were the disunity of various Palestinian governing factions and their reticence to negotiate, proliferation of the settlements and the corresponding dearth of popular support for the IDF to evacuate them, the lack of extant Palestinian infrastructure for a state and, of course, the demographic issue: even if we were to assume foundation of a Palestinian state in the next couple of years, the demography of Israel proper doesn’t bode well for a Jewish, democratic and Zionist state: high birth rates among Haredim and Palestinian Israelis mean that within the next couple of decades the majority of Israeli eighteen year olds will not serve in the army because they are not Zionist.

And this is not to mention the reluctance of the Netanyahu government to negotiate, the uncompromising violent stance of Hamas and the inaction of the Arab world on this issue. All of these problems came up throughout the day at the conference.

But in recognizing these issues J Street created a sense of urgency around the timeline to create a Palestinian state. The group’s message: Now or never. Do or die. Union for Reform Judaism President Rabbi Eric Yoffie, Israeli MKs Ami Ayalon and Haim Ramon and J Street Director Jeremy Ben-Ami all reiterated that the open window for two states may soon close and that if it does, the ensuing calls for a binational state may spell the end of the Jewish state of Israel, something the lobby is by definition against.

Aside from one morning panel proposing various possible frameworks for a peace deal, the sessions yesterday posed more problems than they did offer concrete solutions, but that was the point. J Street does not pretend to have all of the answers; what they’re doing, in their first annual conference, is making sure that American Jews are not comfortable with the status quo, that they realize that things are changing and that there needs to be a voice in Washington to address that change in honest and productive ways. J Street wants to solve the problems but it understands that recognizing and confronting the issues comes first. That’s why the lobby exists.

J Street itself also faces some significant challenges as an organization. Along with many others, they need to define their base, focus on self-obsolescence and figure out their place on campus. In addition, they face a formidable competitor in AIPAC, the older pro-Israel lobby that is one of the most effective in Washington and that commands widespread loyalty in the American Jewish community.

But the lobby cannot achieve perfection in eighteen months and by almost any standard its first annual conference was a tremendous success. J Street attracted preeminent scholars, respected experts and high-ranking government officials; it brought together 1200 people eager to stand under its banner; it staked out positions and did not apologize for its views; most importantly, it changed the landscape of the American pro-Israel community and sent a message:

Like it or not, J Street is here and it’s not going away, just like Israel’s problems.